sabato 4 febbraio 2012

Pakistan should protect Ahmaddiya community against threats of violence.

Pakistani authorities must do more to protect the Ahmaddiya community, Amnesty International said today amid threats from religious groups to block Ahmadis from entering their place of worship in Rawalpindi on Friday.

An Ahmadi spokesperson yesterday said local religious groups have warned they will not allow Ahmadis to carry out religious activities this Friday, local media reported.

The call comes a week after some 5,000 people demonstrated in favour of demolition of the Ewan-e-Tauheed, one of the largest Ahmadi places of worship in the city of Rawalpindi.

“A real test of the authorities' commitment to human rights is whether Ahmadis and other religious minority groups in Pakistan are able to freely practice their religion. The authorities must ensure that Ahmadis, like all Pakistanis, are not prevented from exercising their right to practice their religion freely,” said Sam Zarifi, Asia-Pacific Director of Amnesty International.

“Police provided some protection to the Ewan-e-Tauheed to ensure its safety during last Friday’s rally. That is an important immediate step, but the Pakistani government must do a lot more to address and reverse the widespread, systematic campaign of vilification against religious minorities in Pakistan,” he added.

In 2010, the authorities ignored repeated warnings and failed to prevent attacks on two Ahmadi places of worship in Lahore, which killed 93 people.

Ahmadi graves have been damaged across the Punjab, with around two dozen desecrated in one instance in December last year alone. Last month, several graves were reportedly damaged in Quetta, in the province of Balochistan.

Last Friday’s rally, which was organized by traders’ unions and religious groups including Jamaatud Dawa, Jamaat-i-Islami and Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaawas, was also attended by Zia Ullah Shah, a member of the Punjab Assembly from the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz political party that is in government in the province.

“With general elections likely in Pakistan later this year, political parties must resist the temptation to look for easy votes off the back of the hostility whipped up against Ahmadis or other religious minorities,” he added.

The Ahmadiyya are a religious group who consider themselves a part of Islam, although many mainstream Muslim groups view them as not adhering to the accepted belief system.

In 1974, Pakistan’s parliament passed a new law declaring the Ahmadis non-Muslims and in 1984 they were legally barred from proselytising or identifying themselves as Muslims.

Dozens of Ahmadis have been charged with religious offences, including calling for prayers, preaching their faith or calling their place of worship a 'mosque'.

Attacks on religious minorities have been compounded by the Pakistan’s blasphemy laws that have fostered a climate of religiously-motivated violence and persecution.

Accusations of blasphemy have frequently resulted in the murder of both Muslims and members of religious minorities.


Afghanistan: nel 2011 uccisi 3.021 civili.

Bilancio cresce per il quinto anno consecutivo 

 (ANSA) - ROMA, 4 FEB - Nel 2011, per il quinto anno consecutivo, e' cresciuto il numero di vittime civili in Afghanistan: lo stima l'Unama, la missione di assistenza Onu nel Paese, in un rapporto pubblicato online.

Le forze antigovernative hanno ucciso 2.332 civili nel 2011, il 14% in piu' dell'anno precedente, mentre le forze di sicurezza 410, in leggera flessione. Il numero complessivo dei civili rimasti uccisi, in gran parte per l'esplosione dei micidiali Ied, e' di 3.021 persone.

http://www.ansa.it/web/notizie/rubriche/topnews/2012/02/04/visualizza_new.html_73906996.html 

giovedì 2 febbraio 2012

Maldive - Protests to continue as police threaten zero-tolerance.


Maldives Police Services has said it will adopt a zero-tolerance policy during protests if opposition demonstrators continue their current, increasingly violent trajectory which has sent four police officers to the hospital in the past two days.
Citing protesters’ recent use of fireballs, petrol bombs and bricks, police have said they will exercise full legal authority to prevent the ongoing anti-government protests from developing into acts of terrorism.
Opposition rotesters have demonstrated every night since January 16, when Criminal Court Chief Judge Abdulla Mohamed was arrested by military forces and detained at a training facility in Kaafu Atoll Girifushi. Opposition party members have drawn crowds of approximately 200 to 300 nightly to the area in front of the Maldives Monetary Authority (MMA) near the Male’ fish market, while ruling Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) members have taken to gathering at their party camp on the other side of the island.
Police and military forces have patrolled key areas of the island on a regular basis, nightly arresting individuals for violent activities.
Speaking of last night’s demonstration, Sub-Inspector Hussain Haneef said 37 individuals were arrested “for violence and acting against police orders.” He added that nine individuals have been released.
Mohamed Haisham, a protest coordinator and member of opposition Progressive Party of Maldives (PPM), said most individuals arrested last night were women and blamed any violent agitation on MDP, “who is giving money, drugs, alcohol and knives to gangs who are causing the problems.”
Haisham said protesters are undeterred by the police warnings. “Tonight’s protest will be very strong,” he informed Minivan News, adding that protests will continue until “the biggest one”, a rally scheduled for February 24.
Last night’s unrest also led to the breaking of windows at MDP headquarters and the Finance Ministry, as well as the windshield of a city bus.
 
Police have also launched an investigation into a Henveiru ward fire which broke out last night in the home of musician Ibra Rasheed, destroying a majority of the musical equipment belonging to himself and his son.
Rasheed, who claims not to belong to any party, has been producing music against the former government since the 1980s; between 1988 and 2003 he was arrested, jailed and banished to an island. “They arrested me for drugs, but everybody knows I don’t use drugs. They really arrested me for my music,” he said.
Since the current government came to power in 2008 Rasheed has been able to produce and sell six albums, however he claims being hassled by supporters of the former government for his work.
In 2010 Rasheed released the song “Black 30 Years” criticising the lifestyle of Abdulla Hameed, former Atolls Minister and half-brother to former president Maumoon Abdul Gayoom. “After that I was walking by the postal building and saw Shaheem Hameed [his son]. He refused to shake my hand and said he would sue me for what I did to his father,” Rasheed said. Soon after he was beaten up in the street, he said.
In the past several weeks, the threats have become more frequent.
“There are guys who come around on their motorbikes and tell me they are going to beat me and kill me. With these protests now they are coming more often, I am scared anything might happen to me so I stay at home. I think they were the ones who started the fire [in my son’s room].”
Rasheed said the door to his son’s room was locked and vacant when smoke began pouring out. House residents forced open the door and put out the flame, however all of the equipment inside was destroyed. “We kept my son’s computer for mixing and the guitars and most recording stuff in there,” he explained. “Someone told me the Islamic Bank can provide financial support, but I haven’t talked to the bank yet.” Rasheed said the damages amounted to Rf80,000 (US$5,200).


SRI LANKA - Due casi segnalati dalla Asian Human Rights Commission.

Innocent man was illegally arrested, tortured and laid with fabricated chargers:

http://www.humanrights.asia/news/urgent-appeals/AHRC-UAC-014-2012 

School going child missing after torture by principal -- police refuse to investigate:

http://www.humanrights.asia/news/urgent-appeals/AHRC-UAC-015-2012 

 

mercoledì 1 febbraio 2012

NEPAL: Delays in the implementation of UPR recommendations highlight the absence of a functioning democratic State.

February 1, 2012
On January 25, 2011, Nepal's human rights record was reviewed for the first time under the Universal Periodic Review mechanism. That mechanism was established by the UN General Assembly on 15 March 2006 through resolution 60/251 to "review the fulfilment by each State of its human rights obligations and commitments." On that occasion, peer countries raised concerns about ongoing human rights challenges and formulated recommendations to improve Nepal's human rights framework. Recommendations notably concerned ongoing reports of torture and violence by law enforcement agencies, persistence of gender-based violence, continuous caste-based discrimination, insecurity of human rights defenders in a context of overreaching impunity for past and present human rights abuses and with failing police and justice systems in the country. The government accepted a majority of those recommendations and therefore committed to take the necessary measures to turn them into concrete advancements in the human rights situation. The Government of Nepal has the primary responsibility to implement the recommendations it accepted as part of the review as the UPR ensures that all countries are accountable for progress or failure in implementing these recommendations
   
One year on, it is time to draw a first assessment of the state of implementation of those recommendations, as a measure of the government's commitment to the improvement of Nepal's human rights situation. We have found that the government has failed to take appropriate action in good faith and within an appropriate timeframe to translate most of the recommendations into concrete progress for the human rights situation of Nepal. Through 20111, hindrance of the peace and constitution-making process and reluctance to introduce accountability for conflict-related human rights violations have contributed to the fall of human right concerns low on the agenda of the government's priorities.

One year ago, the government committed to address the issues of torture, insecurity of human rights defenders and extrajudicial killings and to curb impunity. However, data has shown that torture has been on the rise since January 2011 , no steps have been taken to guarantee the security of human rights defenders and no investigation was launched into all allegations of extrajudicial killings. Perhaps more crucially, while Nepal has unconditionally committed to bring impunity to an end, the time elapsed since those commitments were taken has witnessed multiple attempts to suppress the rights to justice of victims of conflict-related human rights violations. Other recommendations relating to crucial issues to the development of a democratic and stable State have also so far been largely ignored.

This failure to improve Nepal's human rights record not only underlines government negligence toward the protection of human rights of the people it serves but more importantly points at larger institutional failures.
   
All recommendations, if they are to be implemented meaningfully, require institutional changes to foster the development of a strong and independent State capable of reaching out to all the citizens, throughout the country. Most of the recommendations relate to the substance of the functioning of State institutions and, if they are to be upheld, imply in-depth reforms to put concerns for human rights of the people at the heart of their functioning. The justice and policing systems still lack the strength, accountability and independence demanded from institutions supposed to safeguard human rights in a vibrant democracy.

For instance, torture will only be brought to an end provided intense reforms are undertaken to bring the police system effectively under the rule of law.  Introducing an independent complaint mechanism in order to bring an effective remedy to the victims of human rights abuses at the end of the security forces or adopting an independent police service commission to foster accountability in the appointment and promotion process of the police officers, strengthen its independence from political influence and curb corruption. Although those two elements have been specifically recommended, Nepal has not accepted those recommendations and a large debate is yet to emerge on those themes. In addition, in spite of commitment to criminalize torture in line with international standard, one year on a legal framework criminalizing torture and allowing the prosecutions of the perpetrators has not yet been adopted and strong concerns remain regarding the proposed draft legislation. (See our June 26 report "Criminalizing torture and bringing it to an end: a test for Nepal's democracy")
   
The relevant implementation of the UPR will further require an intense debate on the fundamental concept of justice and its centrality to the development of the Nepalese State. Although omnipresent impunity has been the major concern of the UPR and although Nepal took the strongest commitment to have a zero-tolerance policy toward impunity, multiple attempts by the government to shelter perpetrators of human rights abuses during the last year have revealed the emptiness of those commitments. Attempts to deny victims their fundamental right to a legal remedy, such as the recent recommendation made to introduce general amnesty in the Truth and Reconciliation Commission Bill are symptomatic of a State which flouts fundamental principles of justice and equality of all before the law. As far as wartime and present human rights violations are concerned, it is part of a series of interventions from the executive in judicial processes, in violation of one of the most cardinal dogmas of democracy: that of the separation and balance of powers. An independent judiciary with a strong and respected authority remains to be built. Many of UPR recommendations addressed that fundamental aspect and Nepal committed to ensure the implementation of all orders by the judiciary, to end political interference to facilitate the victims' access to justice. All those different elements imply to overhaul the justice system and its place in the institutional structure of Nepal.

Without in-depth reforms to ensure the independence and strength of the criminal justice system, attempts to protect the rights of the citizens of Nepal and implement "some" of the UPR recommendations would be at best patchy and ineffective. One of the major recommendations to be implemented by the government within this year has been the adoption of a law criminalizing caste-based discrimination. Nevertheless, efforts to ensure the smooth administration of justice for the persons affected by caste-based discrimination have been few and far between, as was underlined by an OHCHR report in December 2011 and the law has therefore made little difference in the everyday life of the Dalit community.

Moreover, the government approach so far to the UPR reflects the inadequacy of the human rights dialogue in Nepal at the moment and the lack of coordination among institutional stakeholders and the civil society, although indispensible if the country is to have a comprehensive human rights policy.

For instance, as of December 2011, the recommendations that the government had accepted and committed to implement had not been translated into the local language and diffused largely across the country making it more difficult for grassroots activists to monitor the implementation process.

In April, the government published a "National Action Plan on implementation of UPR recommendations" listing the activities to be undertaken to concretize the different recommendations and the government bodies in charge of the implementation. Although that initiative could be seen as a welcome move to comprehensively and in a coordinated manner address the recommendations made to ensure the success of the UPR process, the voluntary vagueness and lack of concrete commitments in the plan ensured its ineptness. It does not specify any timeframe for implementation of the recommendations other than "due course of time" or "on-going", nor does it provide with measurable indicators of results. Except in a handful of cases, it does not lay out specific activities to achieve the goal of the recommendations, but limits itself to paraphrase them. Civil society organisations were not consulted at the time of the formulation of the plan and merely "informed" of its content, in clear contradiction of Nepal's assertion that it "remains committed to engage the civil society and stakeholders in the promotion and protection of human rights".

We encourage Nepal's government to integrate initiatives from the civil society in its plan to implement those recommendations and to engage with civil society actors in every stage of the fulfillment of its international obligations. In particular, dialogue with the civil society should place the adoption of the UPR recommendations in the restructuring of the judicial and policing system. Only then would have the UPR proven a useful and meaningful exercise.

http://www.humanrights.asia/news/ahrc-news/AHRC-STM-022-2012

Pakistan helping Afghan Taliban - Nato.

The Taliban in Afghanistan are being directly assisted by Pakistani security services, according to a secret Nato report seen by the BBC:

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-16821218

INDIA - Lanjigarh,ancora una minaccia per gli adivasi.

Lanjigarh,ancora una minaccia per gli adivasi


Ma ai piedi delle colline sacre degli adivasi, c’è ancora un altro problema, quello dell’impatto sull’ambiente dei rifiuti prodotti dalla raffineria esistente.
La raffineria ha un deposito di rifiuti tossici, che si estende su 38 ettari di terra. Lo stagno rosso è pieno fino all’orlo e lo scorso anno, durante la stagione dei monsoni, ci sono state delle gravi fuoriuscite. La raffineria della Vedanta e lo stagno di fango rosso sono situati a solo un chilometro dal fiume Vamsadhara, la principale fonte d'acqua della regione; quattro villaggi sono molto vicini alla raffineria e altri otto sono a valle del fiume.
La questione dell’impatto sull’ambiente delle attività della raffineria sono state prese in considerazione dalle autorità giudiziarie e da quelle del ministero dell’Ambiente, quando hanno esaminato, per poi bocciarlo, il progetto di espansione della raffineria. Inoltre, sono stati valutati gli effetti sui diritti delle popolazioni native locali.
Ma le autorità dello stato di Orissa hanno deciso di usare uno dei due accessi diretti al villaggio di Rengopalli, uno dei 12 villaggi della zona, per completare la costruzione del secondo stagno.
Gli abitanti di questi villaggi, che già si sono opposti all’ampliamento della raffineria, adesso si stanno mobilitando contro questa seconda discarica di rifiuti tossici. Nel video che vi proponiamo, agenti di polizia e guardie addette alla sicurezza allontanano con la forza le persone dal terreno destinato alla discarica.
Non è questa la strada giusta. Le autorità indiane devono bonificare l’area e consultare immediatamente con le comunità sui potrebbero riversarsi gli effetti di un secondo stagno per i rifiuti!