sabato 29 giugno 2013

NEPAL - Mortal maternity.

A woman carries a typical load for Mugu district – as well as a small child.
© Amnesty International

Hira Devi B.K. is 16 years old and studying in class 6 at school. She was the only teenager among the group of Dalit women we met in Mugu, a remote mountainous district in mid-west Nepal on the second leg of our research visit there. Hira Devi was also recently married – her husband studies in class 10.
The group of 12 Dalit women met us as part of our research into gender discrimination which lies at the root of the factors which lead to Nepali women having an increased risk of uterine prolapse. Early and multiple pregnancies – which frequently follow early marriage – are some of the factors that contribute to the condition.
Sushila Pariyar, aged 36, like many of the women we spoke to, had married when she was very young. She told us that she had already had her first baby by the time she was 16.
Hira Moti B.K., aged 35 said she was forced to get married at 13 and had her first child two years later. ”My now brother-in-law brought a proposal and at first my parents didn’t agree,” she said. “They told him, ‘No, our daughter is very young’. But they came under pressure from my brother-in-law and I had to get married”.
Physical and emotional burdens
The contrast between Mugu and Kailali, the first district we visited, couldn’t be greater. Kailali is hot, flat, with roads to most areas. To get to Mugu you either have to fly to a gravel airstrip on the side of a mountain or walk for 10 days. In the distance, snow-capped mountains emerge periodically from the clouds. Paths, many at impossibly steep gradients, are visible across the mountains, as are the women who constantly walk them, carrying massive, heavy loads supported by a strap around their heads.
Medical experts say that carrying heavy loads during pregnancy and soon after giving birth increases the risk of developing uterine prolapse. The Dalit women we spoke to work as porters – carrying loads of more than 50kg from the airport to the main town of Gamgadhi, (a walk of two to four hours depending on the load) or between the various villages in the area. It’s the only income they have. Many of their husbands are unemployed. Those who do work, said the women, often spend their earnings on alcohol.
Some of the women knew that carrying loads could cause uterine prolapse. Several in the group had experienced the condition or knew women who had it. But with their income dependent on their work as porters, they believe it is impossible for them to do anything to change their exposure to this risk factor. As one woman said: “If we don’t carry heavy loads, where will we get money from? We know we shouldn’t carry heavy loads but for us it’s compulsory.”
From what we heard and saw, it was clear that Amnesty’s forthcoming campaign must not only call for women to have access to information about health, but also  address their need to have the power to make changes in their lives.

domenica 23 giugno 2013

NEPAL - Ambassador’s Attempts to Silence Bhetwal Highlights Broader Failure of Embassies to Protect Nepalese Workers’ Rights.

18 June 2013: The targeting of Dipendra Bhetwal by the Nepalese embassy in Qatar due to an article he wrote criticizing Maya Kumari Sharma, the Nepalese Ambassador to Qatar, highlights the systemic failure of the Government of Nepal to protect the rights of migrant workers abroad.
Last week reports emerged in the media that the Nepalese embassy in Qatar requested the Qatari authorities to detain and deport Bhetwal in a letter sent on 1 May. Bhetwal, who had been out of the country, was summoned by the Qatari Search and Follow Up Department on Sunday 16 June. Although he was asked to bring his passport and flight ticket, he was later allowed to leave and was not deported. Further reports suggest that the Embassy has since withdrawn its request following an intervention by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Kathmandu.
Click here to read full statement in English and Nepali

giovedì 20 giugno 2013

AFGHANISTAN - L'incredibile pace, aspettando i talebani.

Le voci della società civile afghana sul processo. Karzai blocca i rapporti con gli Usa. Nonostante l'entusiasmo dei governi occidentali, gli afghani restano scettici sul tavolo di colloqui «aperto» in Qatar

Giuliano Battiston - 20.06.2013
«Capisco l'entusiasmo di chi guarda le cose da lontano, ma qui in Afghanistan trent'anni di guerra ci hanno abituato giudicare i fatti, non le parole». Seduto nel suo ufficio di Kabul nel quartiere popolare di Deh Afghanan, il direttore della Foundation for Culture and Civil Society, Timur Hakimyar, guarda con scetticismo alla notizia dell'apertura dell'ufficio politico dei Talebani in Qatar. Lo fa ancora prima che il presidente Karzai, ieri pomeriggio, decidesse di interrompere i colloqui con gli Stati Uniti sull'accordo di partenariato strategico. Per il "sindaco di Kabul", gli americani ancora una volta avrebbero escluso il governo afghano dal processo di pace, relegandolo a un ruolo di comprimario. Lo scetticismo di Timur Hakimyar non è insolito da queste parti. Al contrario, è un atteggiamento molto diffuso. E non dipende dalla notizia che, appena dopo aver aperto ai colloqui, i "turbanti neri" abbiano rivendicato l'attentato che ieri ha causato la morte di 4 soldati americani nella base di Bagram, a nord di Kabul.


MALDIVES - Gayoom and his legacy – the major obstacle to consolidating democracy.

The Maldives’ first multi-party presidential elections of 2008 ended Gayoom’s thirty year dictatorship and adopted democratic rule.
But, like many other nascent democracies, the threat exists that Maldives may not be able to sustain its democracy in its fullest sense.
This is especially true after the coup orchestrated by the Maldivian security forces that ousted the first democratically elected President in February 2012. Added to this is the political activeness of dictator Gayoom, which in itself tends to heighten the prospect of Maldives falling back to a dictatorship.
As we head to the second democratic election in Maldives history, I want to ask: will a popular election alone help foster democracy in Maldives? Moreover, how could we prevent a full-blown authoritarian reversal with power back in the hands of Gayoom?
Gayoom’s continuing influence over Maldivian politics cannot be denied. This is not a unique experience for nascent democracies.
Research has established that legacies of authoritarianism from which democracies emerge put more direct pressure on democracies than cultural and economic factors[i].
This kind of pressure from Gayoom’s legacy the on Maldives’ efforts towards democratic transition has manifested itself in different ways. Take, for instance, the country’s political institutions.
During three years of democracy, attempts by Nasheed’s government to implement reforms needed for the consolidation of democracy were met with ever increasing obstructions from Gayoom loyalists within various institutions.
Firstly, the effort to create an independent judiciary (without which a modern democracy cannot function) has been entirely undermined by judges loyal to Gayoom. The Supreme Court bench itself is composed mostly of Gayoom loyalists who share his political ideologies.
It makes sense to me now that, when Majlis voted on President Nasheed’s nominations, DRP opposed most of them. Having been in a position to observe the negotiations closely, I myself believe that Nasheed’s nominations, opposed by DRP, comprised less biased, more suitable candidates.
At the time, DRP was Gayoom’s party with a majority in Parliament. DRP MPs made a habit of rejecting Nasheed’s nominations and proposing a list of their own instead. They pushed hard to sit certain individuals—like self-declared Chief Justice Abdulla Saeed, a known Gayoom-affiliate—on the bench.
With the country facing a Constitutional void, President Nasheed compromised and nominated the current bench for Parliament approval.
Aishath Velezenee, a former Member of the Judicial Services Commission has provided a detailed account of how the process for appointing Supreme Court Judges took place.
The simple truth that we all know is, Supreme Court decisions have in one way or the other, benefited Gayoom and his allies. Is it a coincidence there is yet to be a Supreme Court decision that went against Gayoom or his allies?
Gayoom loyalists are similarly entrenched within the security services. Their loyalty to the dear leader had a major role to play in their mutiny against Nasheed on February 7, facilitating as it did the controversial transfer of power later that day.
Gayoom has denied widely circulated reports he was directing the night’s events from Malaysia. It cannot be denied, however, that he gave a phone interview to opposition-controlled media, indirectly encouraging the mutinying police.
It is no coincidence that after the coup, the head of security services are all pro-Gayoom loyalists. Now we have a Police Commissioner who served as the Deputy Commissioner in Gayoom’s regime, a regime well known for police brutality and torture.
The defence minister is a retired Colonel who also served under Gayoom. Furthermore, a reflection on the events in February 8 last year also shows that our security forces still continue Gayoom’s legacies.
Police brutality towards peaceful protesters, a defining characteristic of Gayoom’s regime, returned to the streets of Male’ with a vengeance, less than 24 hours after Nasheed’s government was brought to an end. It wasn’t hard to feel as if we had regressed, before 2008, before democracy.
Independent institutions play a vital role in consolidation of a democracy. Unfortunately for the Maldives, Gayoom loyalists are firmly embedded within, and often dominate, institutions like the Human Rights Commission, Police Integrity Commission and Civil Service Commission.
Most individuals comprising these commissions served in Gayoom’s government and still maintain close ties with him. This is hardly surprising given that just as with the nomination of Supreme Court justices, here too it was a DRP-majority Majlis that confirmed or rejected nominees to commissions.
The loyalty of some independent commissions to Gayoom was indeed evident from their actions following the police brutality on February 8. Neither the Human Rights Commission, nor the Policy Integrity Commission took any firm actions against the misconducts from the security forces.
Gayoom’s current party, the PPM, is so determined to retain these loyalists within the independent commissions that it is prepared to disregard even findings of serious misconduct against such individuals. The ongoing saga of Civil Service Commission (CSC) Chair Mohamed Fahmy is a case in point.
Parliament’s Independent Institutions Committee found in favour of a female staff member who accused Fahmy of sexual harassment and voted to remove him from the post. PPM members fought hard, but in vain, to save Fahmy. The Supreme Court was then asked to rule on whether the parliament’s decision was constitutional. Not surprisingly, the Supreme Court ruled in Fahmy’s favour.
Gayoom’s dictatorial legacy, entrenched deep within our political system is the main obstacle to the consolidation of democracy in the Maldives. The 75 year-old leader’s revived political activeness is further strengthening this obstacle. Reforms to the judiciary, independent institutions and security forces are essential if we are to consolidate and sustain democracy.
[i] See for example, Shin, Doh Chull (1994), ‘On the third wave of democratization: A synthesis and evaluation of recent theory and research’, World Politics, 47 (1), 135-70.
Ahmed Hamdhan is a third-year Bachelor of Arts (Policy Studies and Political Science) and a student at the Australian National University.

Afghanistan: evitare e rendere conto delle vittime civili dopo il trasferimento sulla sicurezza.

Le forze di sicurezza afgane devono fare quanto in loro potere per evitare e rendere conto delle vittime civili - ha affermato Amnesty International dopo che l'Isaf, la missione internazionale a guida Nato in Afghanistan,  ha trasferito la responsabilità per il mantenimento della sicurezza nel paese.

L'organizzazione ha inoltre chiesto alle autorità afgane di indagare sulle accuse di vittime civili durante le operazioni delle forze di sicurezza nazionali afgane (Ansf).

"Secondo il diritto internazionale, l'Ansf deve garantire che vi sia responsabilità per le sue azioni e fornire risarcimenti alle vittime civili di azioni militari" - ha affermato Polly Truscott, vicedirettrice del programma Asia e Pacifico di Amnesty International.

Secondo la Missione delle Nazioni Unite di assistenza all'Afghanistan (Unama) le vittime civili di operazioni dell'Ansf sono aumentate nel 2012; tuttavia la dirigenza dell'Ansf è stata riluttante nel riconoscere e tantomeno ad assumersi le responsabilità delle vittime civili, quando ci sono state. Il numero di vittime civili causate dall'Ansf potrebbe essere sottostimato.

"Devono essere monitorati e indagati tutti i casi di vittime civili e di distruzione di obiettivi civili, l'Ansf deve inoltre assicurare rimedi tempestivi ed efficaci per tali atti" - ha affermato Truscott.

Amnesty International ha affermato che la coalizione internazionale dovrebbe accellerare i tentativi di assistere il governo afgano nel creare un meccanismo indipendente ed effettivo per monitorare e investigare le morti civili e i ferimenti e provvedere in pieno a riparazioni.

L'organizzazione riconosce alcuni passi positivi fatti dalle autorità afgane dallo scorso anno per investigare e ridurre le vittime civili e proteggere i civili.

Nel marzo 2012, il governo ha emesso un ordine presidenziale indirizzato a tutte le forze di sicurezza per sostenere le leggi, le politiche e le procedure afgane durante le operazioni speciali. Due mesi più tardi ha istituito il Gruppo di indagini sulle vittime civili nell'ambito del Centro di coordinamento delle informazioni del presidente e a ottobre dello scorso anno ha nominato un consigliere per il presidente Karzai a protezione dei civili.

"Purtroppo queste misure sono risultate insufficienti, considerata l'impennata delle vittime civili, comprese quelle dell'Ansf e la chiara inosservanza da parte della sua dirigenza" - ha dichiarato Truscott.

Amnesty International chiede sia alle autorità afgane che alle forze internazionali che operano nel paese di prevedere, monitorare e stimare l'impatto delle operazioni militari sulle popolazioni locali e prendere tutte le misure necessarie per ridurre il dislocamento nelle aree interessate.

Il 18 giugno il presidente Hamid Karzai ha annunciato la quinta e ultima fase del passaggio di consegne delle competenze in materia di sicurezza dalle forze internazionali a quelle afgane. La Nato/Isaf sta ora trasmettendo all'Ansf il controllo dei rimanenti 95 distretti - comprese le aree roccaforti dei talebani a sud e a est.

La coalizione militare Nato/Isaf sarà ancora responsabile del supporto aereo militare e del supporto delle operazioni di combattimento fino alla fine del 2014, quando bisognerà ritirare tutte le truppe militari dall'intero paese.

martedì 18 giugno 2013

India: Authorities must Reopen Investigation into 2010 killing of Tufail Mattoo.

Amnesty International India asks authorities in Jammu and Kashmir to reopen investigation into the death of a boy allegedly killed by police personnel in the Kashmir valley in July 2010, and accelerate delayed investigations into similar killings committed during the same period.
Over 100 people, some of whom engaged in stone-pelting, were killed in 2010 during widespread protests when the police and other security forces used excessive, and at times unnecessary, force.
On 11 June 2010, two police personnel in Srinagar allegedly killed 17-year old Tufail Mattoo as he walked home from a tutoring session for school.
According to eyewitnesses heard during the course of investigation, the two police personnel, who were clashing with protestors, fired a tear gas shell at Mattoo at close range which shattered his skull and instantly killed him.
Mattoo’s father Muhammad Ashraf attempted to file a complaint reporting the killing of his son at the local police station the same day, but police officials refused to register the complaint.
The family approached a local court in July 2010, which directed the police to register the incident and carry out an investigation. In July 2011, the family went to the J&K High Court to question the delay in the investigation. The Court directed a special police team to investigate the incident.
In November 2012, after more than a year, the police team submitted a case closure report to a Srinagar trial court, without informing the Mattoo family, saying that the perpetrators of the crime were "untraceable."
The closure report said there was insufficient evidence available to identify Mattoo's killers. The report also stated that Mattoo’s death was the result of being struck in the head by a stone, not a tear gas shell. When the Mattoo family learned about the police report, they challenged the closure of the investigation before the J&K High Court. The family said the investigation disregarded crucial evidence and eyewitness testimonies, including a post-mortem report submitted by a team of doctors stating that the cause of death was a tear gas shell.
The J&K High Court has asked the police to produce before it all evidence evaluated during the investigation. Hearings in the case will resume in July. Many of the killings caused by the use of force in 2010 have not yet been investigated. The state police have said that 79 First Information Reports have been registered relating to the deaths, of which charges have been filed only in 43 cases. The police have closed 18 cases because they say the perpetrators were ‘untraced’.
The state government appointed a judicial commission in July 2010 to look into 17 killings committed during the unrest. But the commission stopped functioning in 2011 when the judges serving on it resigned.
On 7 June 2013, the J&K High Court gave the state government four weeks to state when the commission would resume its investigation, and explain why it was looking at only 17 cases.
The High Court was hearing a public interest litigation filed seeking the registration of First Information Reports on 117 deaths that took place in 2010.
Amnesty International India urges authorities in J&K to promptly bring those suspected of criminal responsibility in the deaths of those killed in firing by security forces in 2010 to trial in fair proceedings. 
Authorities in Jammu and Kashmir have an obligation under national and international law to conduct prompt and thorough investigations into the deaths. Delayed, partial or incomplete investigations violate the rights of the victims’ families to effective remedy and accountability, and contribute to the prevailing climate of impunity in J&K.

Human Rights Commission of the Maldives: looking into incidents of violence at Male’ custodial.

The Human Rights Commission of the Maldives is investigating complaints of brutality towards detainees at Male’ Custodial.

The Commission received a complaint from the family of a detainee at Male’ Custodial on the 31st of May 2013, stating that he was beaten by Police Officers at the Custodial. Following the complaint, the Commission visited Male’ Custodial on 2nd of June, and from the investigations that ensued, found proof that there were two more detainees who sustained injuries while at custody.

At present, Human Rights Commission is further investigating these incidents.

giovedì 13 giugno 2013

Bangladesh: Indigenous Peoples engulfed in Chittagong Hill Tracts land conflict.

The Pahari Indigenous Peoples are still waiting for the Bangladeshi government to restore their traditional lands

The Bangladeshi government’s failure to address rights to traditional lands in the eastern Chittagong Hill Tracts region has left tens of thousands of Pahari Indigenous people landless and trapped in a cycle of violent clashes with Bengali settlers, Amnesty International said in a new report released today.
The report, Pushed to the Edge, documents how the Pahari are still waiting for the government to live up to the terms of an accord signed more than 15 years ago, by restoring their traditional lands to them.
Clashes between the Pahari and Bengali settlers in the region over land use are all too common.
“The current situation, with violent clashes being fuelled by disputes over land, continues to cause immense insecurity and suffering for the Pahari Indigenous People, and the Bangladeshi authorities have to address it immediately,” said Andrew Erueti, Amnesty International’s Researcher on Indigenous Peoples’ Rights.
“That the Pahari Indigenous People are being denied their traditional lands, or adequate compensation for land taken away from them, is a clear violation of international human rights law.”
The Chittagong Hill Tracts region in southeastern Bangladesh has long seen internal armed conflict following Pahari demands for greater autonomy and protection of traditional lands.
A 1997 peace accord included a series of reforms to restore Pahari traditional lands to them, but these have only at best been partially fulfilled despite repeated promises by the current Bangladeshi government.
“The government has still time to fulfill its promises before the general elections in 2014”, said Erueti.
The conflict had a devastating effect on the Pahari and still today it is estimated that more than 90,000 Pahari families remain internally displaced.
A Land Commission – set up under the Peace Accord to settle land ownership claims after the conflict – has yet to make a single ruling on a land dispute.
Thousands of Bengali settlers who have moved to the Chittagong Hill Tracts during and after the conflict have gradually occupied and encroached on traditional Pahari land, giving rise to renewed violent clashes. During the conflict, the settlers – mostly landless families from the plains districts – were encouraged to move to the Chittagong Hill Tracts with offers of land as part of a counter insurgency strategy.
Pahari tend to suffer disproportionately in the clashes, which have over recent years left hundreds of Pahari families homeless as their houses have been burned down in mob violence triggered by land disputes.
In February 2011, for example, a mob of some 200 Bengali settlers burned at least 23 Pahari homes in the Longadu after a Bengali settler accused the Pahari community of murdering his brother. Nobody has been held accountable for the attacks on the village.
The authorities have remained ineffectual throughout, failing to protect the Paharis’ right to security and their rights to traditional lands – as well as their livelihoods and way of life, which is inextricably linked to those lands.
Pahari women are especially negatively affected, as one Pahari woman told Amnesty International:
“We are now left with no land to do jum (farming) and grow crops, or forest to go to for collecting fuel wood, and fruit. Life has become very hard as we have [the] army at very close proximity and I feel very insecure even walking short distances. Our home has become an insecure unsafe place to live in. I’m now constantly worried about getting food for my family and security of my children.”
“For many Pahari Indigenous people, in particular in rural areas, their traditional lands are linked to not just their livelihood but also their very way of life. It is inconceivable that after 15 years the Land Commission set up to restore Pahari to their lands is not operational,” said Erueti.
Despite the 1997 peace accord promising to remove all temporary army camps from the Chittagong Hill Tracts, the region still remains Bangladesh’s most militarized with a substantial army presence. Many Pahari view the army as providing support for Bengali settlers’ continued occupation of Pahari land.
“This violence is likely to continue as long as these serious land disputes remain unresolved. It is also indicative of the Bangladeshi authorities’ failure to adequately protect Pahari people at risk, despite the huge security presence in the region,” said Erueti.
Amnesty International calls on the government of Bangladesh to respect its obligations under international human rights law, including the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and the ILO Convention on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples No.107, and take concrete steps to return the Paharis’ traditional lands to them, with the effective participation of Pahari women and men in the process.
Amnesty International is also calling on political parties in the lead up to next year’s general elections to include the restoration of Pahari right to their traditional land in their election manifesto.

mercoledì 12 giugno 2013

India: attuare le decisione della Corte suprema sulla miniera della Vedanta.

Sullo sfondo la raffineria della Vedanta Alumina Ltd. vicino al villaggio di Lanjigarh village, sulle colline di Niyamgiri a Orissa, India, 2008©Sanjit Das

La vita e i mezzi di sussistenza dei nativi dongria kondh sono minacciati da piani di sviluppo di una miniera di bauxite sulle colline sacre di Niyamgiri a Orissa, nell'India orientale.

L'Orissa Mining Corporation (Omc) sta tentando di ribaltare una decisione del governo indiano che bloccava la gestione della miniera di bauxite da parte della Sterlite India, una sussidiaria della britannica Vedanta Resources.

L'Omc ha sostenuto di aver considerato l'impatto delle attività di estrazione sulla popolazione locale e sull'ambiente. Tuttavia, è evidente che non è stato così e che le attività di estrazione avrebbero un effetto devastante sulla comunità.

Gli 8000 coraggiosi dongria kondh fanno parte di una comunità le cui origini precedono l'utilizzo della lingua scritta e vivono in 90 villaggi sulle colline di Niyamgiri. La comunità è stata ufficialmente dichiarata "gruppo tribale primitivo" a Orissa e descritta come "a rischio" da una commissione nominata dalla Corte suprema indiana.  Le loro terre e il loro habitat godono dello status di protezione speciale ai sensi della Costituzione indiana.

Nell'aprile del 2009, il ministero indiano dell'Ambiente e delle Foreste autorizzò un progetto di joint venture tra l'Omc e la Sterlite India per sviluppare una miniera di bauxite sulle colline di Niyamgiri.

Nell'agosto del 2010, dopo un'ampia campagna di sensibilizzazione e protesta da parte dei dongria kondh, di Amnesty International e altre Ong, il ministero dell'Ambiente e delle Foreste indiano ha bloccato la realizzazione della miniera dopo aver constatato che il progetto violava gravemente le leggi ambientali e forestali, tanto da costituire un abuso nei confronti della comunità.

Nell'aprile del 2011, l'Omc ha fatto appello alla Corte suprema indiana contro la decisione del ministero di non concedere l'autorizzazione per la miniera di bauxite. Tuttavia, il 23 agosto la Corte suprema ha respinto il ricorso, convocando un'udienza sul caso e affermando che si sarebbe avuta quella finale nel gennaio 2012. Quest'ultima è stata poi rinviata al 9 aprile dello stesso anno.

Si è dovuto attendere fino al 18 aprile 2013, giorno in cui la Corte suprema, con una sentenza di portata storica che riconosce i diritti dei popoli nativi, ha stabilito che i dongria khond avranno la decisione finale sulla miniera di bauxite che avrebbe dovuto divenire operativa su 670 ettari di terreno delle loro colline.

Le autorità di Orissa, così come richiesto dalla Corte suprema, dovrebbero ora convocare una riunione di consiglio con tutti i 12 villaggi dei dongria khond che decideranno sul progetto della miniera di bauxite. Tuttavia temporeggiano e la comunità teme che il ritardo sia voluto.

Qualsiasi ritardo nella convocazione delle riunioni di consiglio dei villaggi prolungherà l'incertezza vissuta in tutti questi anni dalle comunità. Pertanto la sentenza deve essere attuata!


Maldive: a rischio esecuzione due minori all’epoca del reato.

Due giovani rischiano l’esecuzione nelle Maldive per un reato commesso quando non avevano ancora 18 anni. I due, condannati lo scorso febbraio dal Tribunale dei minori per omicidio, hanno sempre negato di aver commesso il fatto.
“Le Maldive stanno entrando in un territorio nuovo e pericoloso”, ha commentato Polly Truscott, vicedirettrice Amnesty International per l’Asia e Pacifico, “comminare condanne a morte per reati commessi da ragazzi è allarmante”.
Il team dell’Onu nelle Maldive ha recentemente rilasciato una dichiarazione in cui chiede l’abolizione della pena di morte. Nel paese però non si registrano esecuzioni dal 1954 quando venne fucilato Hakim Didi, giudicato colpevole di cospirazione per commettere un omicidio usando la magia nera.
Da allora, le sentenze capitali vengono tradizionalmente commutate in 25 anni di carcere con decreto presidenziale. Lo scorso anno sono state condannate a morte almeno due persone. Il presidente della Corte suprema e il ministro dell’Interno hanno rilasciato dichiarazioni che lasciavano intendere che, secondo la legge, non era da escludere una ripresa delle esecuzioni.
Anche alcune notizie diffuse dalla stampa, secondo le quali il governo stava elaborando un progetto di legge per garantire l’applicazione delle condanne a morte, fanno temere una possibile ripresa delle esecuzioni dopo quasi sei decenni.  

Per saperne di più:
- Leggi sul sito di Amnesty Maldives must commute death sentences for two juvenile offenders convicted of murder (in inglese)
- Leggi sul sito dell’Onu Maldives UN team calls for abolition of death penalty, flogging (in inglese)